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In several instances, the underinclusiveness was not considered a valid purpose to strike down a law or regulation the place the purpose could be attained in future legislations or rules. The majority looks on the issue of equal protection by lumping into a single class all past administrations,24 i.e., these of former Presidents Aguinaldo, Quezon, Osmeña, Laurel, Roxas, Quirino, Magsaysay, Garcia, Macapagal, Marcos, Aquino, Ramos, Estrada and Arroyo. Justice Carpio makes the case that restoration of ill-gotten wealth is imprescriptible.

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In several situations, the underinclusiveness was not thought of legitimate reason to strike down a regulation or regulation where the aim could be attained in future legislations or regulations. "With regard to equal safety claims, a legislature doesn't run the danger of losing the entire remedial scheme just because it fails, via inadvertence or otherwise, to cover every evil that may conceivably have been attacked." Breach of the equal safety clause, as presently raised by petitioner-legislators on behalf of the Executive Department of the quick past administration, has nothing to do with the impairment of the powers of Congress. Thus, with respect to the issue in Pimentel, Jr. v. Exec. Secretary Ermita13 that didn't contain any impairment of the prerogatives of Congress, some Senators who merely invoked their standing as legislators were not granted standing.

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Being a creation of the President of the Philippines, it cannot be totally dissociated from its creator. By the character of its creation, the Truth Commission is intimately linked to the Office of the President, and the Executive Order, as it were, is the umbilical cord that binds the Truth Commission to the Office of the President. – If any provision of this Order is asserted unconstitutional, the same shall not have an result on the validity and effectivity of the other provisions hereof. 17 I submit that almost all Decision will need to have intended to check with all officers of past presidents, and never solely to the Presidents themselves. Absent a persuasive showing by the appellant that publicity prejudicial to his case was liable for his conviction by the trial choose, we can't settle for his naked claim that his conviction ought to be reversed on that floor.

In gist, there is no statutory, reglementary, or sensible foundation to disallow the constitutional challenge to a law, which is sought to be enforced, in a summary continuing. This is especially true contemplating that the issue of a statute’s constitutionality is a query of law which can be resolved without the reception of evidence or a full-blown trial. Hence, stated concern ought to have been raised on the earliest opportunity within the proceedings before the RTC, Bacolod City and for failure of the petitioner to take action, it can't be raised in the separate Petition for Prohibition earlier than the Court of Appeals, as appropriately ruled by the latter, nor in a separate action earlier than the RTC. The Truth Commission is to submit its findings and suggestions to the President, the Congress, and the Ombudsman. I concur in the outcomes of the ponencia of Justice Jose Catral Mendoza and be part of the separate opinions of my colleagues, Chief Justice Renato C. Corona, Justice Arturo D. Brion and Justice Jose Portugal Perez. I vote to declare Executive Order No. 1 (EO No. 1) unconstitutional, as a well-intentioned, but ill-devised, presidential issuance that transgresses the boundaries of government power and accountability set by the Constitution and our laws.

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The latter’s dealings is remotely relevant to good housekeeping that is intended to handle a easy transition from one administration to the subsequent. No. 1, the powers and capabilities of the Truth Commission do not supplant the powers and features of the Ombudsman.40 Nevertheless, what is the usage of the Truth Commission if its energy is merely recommendatory? Any finding of graft and corruption by the Truth Commission continues to be topic to analysis by the Office of the Ombudsman, as it is only the Office of the Ombudsman that is empowered to conduct preliminary investigation, decide the existence of probable cause and prosecute the case. Hence, the creation of the Truth Commission will merely be a waste of cash, since it duplicates the operate of the Office of the Ombudsman to analyze reported cases of graft and corruption. Third, petitioner Members of the House of Representatives aren't proper parties to problem the constitutionality of E.O. Petitioner Members of the House of Representatives can not take up the lance for the earlier administration.

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If this Court can achieve this, then it could possibly also stop the House of Representatives or the Senate from conducting an investigation, in help of laws, on the monetary transactions of the Arroyo administration, on the bottom of violation of the equal protection clause. The creation of such advert hoc investigating bodies, in addition to the appointment of ad hoc investigators, doesn't end result within the creation of a public workplace. In creating ad hoc investigatory our bodies or appointing ad hoc investigators, executive and judicial officers don't create public offices however merely train an influence inherent of their main constitutional or statutory functions, which can be to execute the law, to exercise disciplinary authority, or each. These fact-finding bodies and investigators usually are not everlasting bodies or functionaries, not like public offices or their occupants. There is no separate compensation, apart from per diems or allowances, for these designated as members of advert hoc investigating our bodies or as ad hoc investigators.